Opinion: Protests in Georgia should involve not just middle class but all social groups
Protests in Georgia are middle-class led
Sociologist Iago Kachkachishvili commented on the ongoing protests in Georgia, stating that they should engage not only the middle class but also representatives of other social groups.
The October 26 parliamentary elections triggered mass protests across the country. Four opposition blocs that entered parliament—three coalitions and one party—unanimously claimed widespread election fraud, refused to recognize the new parliament’s legitimacy, and declined their mandates.
President Salome Zourabichvili also declared the elections fraudulent and the new parliament illegitimate, along with all its decisions. She vowed to remain in office until new parliamentary elections are held, enabling a lawful transfer of power.
On November 28, Georgian Dream Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze announced a suspension of EU accession talks until 2028. This decision sparked a new wave of continuous protests, with tens of thousands demanding the protection of the constitution, which enshrines the country’s commitment to European integration, and calling for fresh parliamentary elections.
According to Kachkachishvili, the middle class, which is at the forefront of the protests, does not constitute the majority of the population.
What did Iago Kachkachishvili say?
“Current events in Georgia show that the middle class is at the forefront of the protests. The most common criteria for defining the middle class involve income levels, but other factors such as education, profession, and cultural background are also taken into account.
No one knows exactly how large the middle class in Georgia is, and there are no universally accepted criteria for defining it. In the U.S., for example, families with incomes between 67% and 200% of the national median income are considered middle class.
Applying this metric to Georgia, studies suggest that the middle class makes up around 43% of the population, the poorer class about 39%, and the wealthier class roughly 18%. The fact that the poorer class is represented in such proportions is corroborated by official statistics: nearly 700,000 citizens—about 20% of the total population—receive social assistance.
If we take into account that the criteria for recognizing families as socially vulnerable in Georgia are inadequate (for instance, a family of five earning around 400 lari per month is not officially considered poor, which is absurd), it becomes evident that the actual proportion of poor people in the country is at least one-third of the population.
It may seem paradoxical, but in undemocratic societies, the poor rarely participate actively in protests. On the contrary, they often rely on the state to recognize their need and provide assistance.
Vulnerable groups may dislike the government, but they are unlikely to oppose it for fear of losing their benefits and becoming even worse off. Furthermore, the poorer classes are more susceptible to manipulation through intimidation, bribery, and other means.
For anti-government protests to succeed, the will of the majority is not enough—it must also be mobilized, even at a minimal level. Today’s middle class, which, as mentioned, leads the protests, does not constitute the majority. The various marches we’ve seen daily for nearly two months continue to primarily mobilize the middle class.
The protests must extend beyond the middle class to include representatives of other social groups. However, we should not expect this initiative to come solely from the poorer class. There is a real likelihood that members of the wealthier class will join the demonstrations if they perceive that their economic situation and that of their families is under threat.
Entrepreneurs, in particular, are vulnerable to such risks. Georgia has over 2,000 medium and large enterprises, and some of them have already begun to show signs of protest activity. This trend is likely to continue, carrying significant potential for fundamental changes in the government.”
